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"If you leave me now/ You'll take away the biggest part of me/ Ooo oh, no, baby please don't go"
She further felt lost then, she said, because her parents had recently divorced: 'All the time there was my dad on the radio with women, doing whatever, I had such a strong knowingness and belief in my parents' marriage,' she said. 'The loss of that bond between mother and father -- I can't tell you how shattering that was.'
Asked if she foresaw the divorce, the actress responded, 'Living this character on the radio, there's only so much you can say, 'It's not me' before you embody it -- I think that's a bit of what happened." She said she has come to understand that her father has been in the process of "integrating all selves," which is important for every person to do."
"When Minority Whip Roy Blunt (R-Mo.) went to the floor on Monday, he anticipated that 75 House Republicans would vote for the revamped financial rescue package.
"But only 65 voted for it.
"Had 75 voted yes, the rescue plan would have been within striking distance of passing the lower chamber."
"After being caught monkeying around with drugs, George Michael is having an even wilder time - on safari in Africa.
"The former Wham! star is currently shooting wildlife with partner Kenny Goss-with their cameras, of course!
"The jeep journey was booked long before George, 45, was arrested in a public loo for possessing crack cocaine, last week.
We're told: 'Kenny booked the holiday weeks ago.
"'George was particularly keen to see lion cubs. He was determined to see the Big Five - buffalo, elephant, lion, leopard and rhino.
"...Our spy adds: 'He is adamant he'll return to London a changed man.'"
"The Somali pirates who hijacked a Ukrainian freighter loaded with tanks, artillery, grenade launchers and ammunition said in an interview Tuesday that they had no idea that the ship was carrying arms when they seized it on the high seas.
"'We just saw a big ship,' the pirates’ spokesman, Sugule Ali, told The New York Times. 'So we stopped it.'"
"We need one of our three would-be Presidents to explain the reasons for a rescue plan in a clear narrative based on clear principles.
"Sound easy? So far no one has effectively painted the big picture. No one has told the American people in plain terms that when a block of houses is on fire you put out the fire first, then later you punish the arsonists and reform the building code. Nor has anyone laid out the social contract implied in any bailout plan: that in exchange for eating the bad debts of private interests, we the people will get ... what, exactly? Experts tell us -- as does history (see the early chapters of David Kennedy's 'Freedom From Fear') -- that what we would get from a bailout is an unfreezing of credit that will prevent a total choke and stall of the economy. But right now, the voters and their spooked can't see this big picture or the principles of reciprocity at work. All they see is something massive and scary that offends their sensibilities. This is a moment for Senator Obama to rescue the rescue effort, and to give us the frame of purpose and context that we need. Among our uneasy troika of national leaders, only Obama has the credibility and the cool to remind us not to fear fear itself. He doesn't need the office at this juncture to lead us like a president.
"My friend Joe Armstrong has been volunteering for a week for several summers now as a Counselor at one of the Newman’s Own Hole in the Wall camps. Paul Newman and he shared many several mutual friends. I asked Joe last night if he’d share some memories of the man:
Last year at the camp, Newman walked over to me and said 'Armstrong, don't forget that a lot of these kids are a lot sicker than they look and act. But it's hard to see sometimes because they are having the time of their lives. My admiration and respect for these kids is enormous.'
He told me in his always modest way, 'Last summer I was sitting at a table of small guys --- hell, they probably hadn't seen any of my pictures and didn't know who I was.'
But this one really bright inner-city kid kept looking at me then looking back on the side of the lemonade carton where my picture was, and then he'd look back and study my face, and then back to the lemonade cartoon. He did it over and over, until he was totally baffled and confused. And then I could see he got a bright idea. He looked right up at me and said 'are you lost?'
Talking about my tenure there, he said to me 'Joe you are one of our oldest volunteers who lives night and day in the cabin with the kids and watches over them for one long, solid week. I did what you are doing,' he said, 'until I was about 75.'"
"Every generation gets the Constitution that it deserves. As the central preoccupations of an era make their way into the legal system, the Supreme Court eventually weighs in, and nine lawyers in robes become oracles of our national identity. The 1930s had the Great Depression and the Supreme Court’s 'switch in time' from mandating a laissez-faire economy to allowing New Deal regulation. The 1950s had the rise of the civil rights movement and Brown v. Board of Education. The 1970s had the struggle for personal autonomy and Roe v. Wade. Over the last two centuries, the court’s decisions, ranging from the dreadful to the inspiring, have always reflected and shaped who 'we the people' think we are.
"During the boom years of the 1990s, globalization emerged as the most significant development in our national life. With NAFTA and the Internet and big-box stores selling cheap goods from China, the line between national and international began to blur. In the seven years since 9/11, the question of how we relate to the world beyond our borders — and how we should — has become inescapable. The Supreme Court, as ever, is beginning to offer its own answers. As the United States tries to balance the benefits of multilateral alliances with the demands of unilateral self-protection, the court has started to address the legal counterparts of such existential matters. It is becoming increasingly clear that the defining constitutional problem for the present generation will be the nature of the relationship of the United States to what is somewhat optimistically called the international order.
"This problem has many dimensions. It includes mundane practical questions, like what force the United States should give to the law of the sea. It includes more symbolic questions, like whether high-ranking American officials can be held accountable for crimes against international law. And it includes questions of momentous consequence, like whether international law should be treated as law in the United States; what rights, if any, noncitizens have to come before American courts or tribunals; whether the protections of the Geneva Conventions apply to people that the U.S. government accuses of being terrorists; and whether the U.S. Supreme Court should consider the decisions of foreign or international tribunals when it interprets the Constitution.
"In recent years, two prominent schools of thought have emerged to answer these questions. One view, closely associated with the Bush administration, begins with the observation that law, in the age of modern liberal democracy, derives its legitimacy from being enacted by elected representatives of the people. From this standpoint, the Constitution is seen as facing inward, toward the Americans who made it, toward their rights and their security. For the most part, that is, the rights the Constitution provides are for citizens and provided only within the borders of the country. By these lights, any interpretation of the Constitution that restricts the nation’s security or sovereignty — for example, by extending constitutional rights to noncitizens encountered on battlefields overseas — is misguided and even dangerous. In the words of the conservative legal scholars Eric Posner and Jack Goldsmith (who is himself a former member of the Bush administration), the Constitution 'was designed to create a more perfect domestic order, and its foreign relations mechanisms were crafted to enhance U.S. welfare.'
"A competing view, championed mostly by liberals, defines the rule of law differently: law is conceived not as a quintessentially national phenomenon but rather as a global ideal. The liberal position readily concedes that the Constitution specifies the law for the United States but stresses that a fuller, more complete conception of law demands that American law be pictured alongside international law and other (legitimate) national constitutions. The U.S. Constitution, on this cosmopolitan view, faces outward. It is a paradigm of the rule of law: rights similar to those it confers on Americans should protect all people everywhere, so that no one falls outside the reach of some legitimate legal order. What is most important about our Constitution, liberals stress, is not that it provides rights for us but that its vision of freedom ought to apply universally."
"I do not like you, John McCain. My feeling has nothing to do with issues. It has to do with common courtesy. During the debate, you refused to look Barack Obama in the eye. Indeed, you refused to look at him at all. Even when the two of you shook hands at the start, you used your eyes only to locate his hand, and then gazed past him as you shook it.
"Obama is my guy. If you are rude to him, you are rude to me. If you came to dinner at my house and refused to look at or speak with one of my guests, that would be bad manners and I would be offended. Same thing if I went to your house. During the debate, you were America's guest.
"What was your problem?"
"'Let me make one thing clear,' (Saakashvili)interrupts me, with a sudden gravity. 'We cannot let them say that we started this war ... It was early August. My ministers were on vacation, as I was too, in Italy, at a weight-loss spa, getting ready to go to Beijing. Then in the Italian press I read, War preparations are under way in Georgia. You understand me. Here I was just hanging out in Italy and I read in the paper that my own country is preparing for a war!"
"Even though McCain has gambled that the voting public's clamor for debates can be delayed at least through the weekend, Obama has the most to gain or lose when the candidates finally stand behind their dueling lecterns. As a freshman senator, who was in the Illinois Legislature just four years ago, Obama must in the first 30 minutes or so of the debate establish himself as a credible 44th president. During the first presidential debate 48 years ago, this was the major hurdle that John Kennedy surmounted, putting to rest his image as a callow, playboy senator."
"A former aide to Rudy Giuliani is out of prison and attacking the ex-mayor's ethics, saying he was ordered to help Giuliani's then-girlfriend get a below-market rent apartment.
"Russell Harding, who got five years for embezzling more than $400,000 in city funds and downloading child pornography onto his computer, claims on his Web site that Giuliani's two terms as mayor were marked by ethical breaches.
"Harding, 43, claims that in 1999, while he was the head of the city's Housing Development Corp., he was instructed to help Judith Nathan get a Manhattan apartment that would normally cost more than $3,000 for about half that price.
"Harding claims that by working with executives at a real estate company, he eventually helped Nathan secure a great deal on an apartment not far from the mayor's residence, Gracie Mansion in Manhattan.
"Nathan later married Giuliani. Her spokesman, Bob Leonard, denied Harding's allegations, saying she paid market rent for the apartment.
"Aides to Giuliani also denied the claims. They supplied a letter Harding wrote to another Giuliani adviser last year in which he said he doesn't want to talk to the press about Giuliani but does need money."
"Two sources familiar with the media-buying plans say the Republican National Committee is set to spend six figures shoring up John McCain in the traditionally Republican state of Indiana.
"The RNC's independent expenditure arm — which is outside the direct control of the campaign or the committee — has placed a $100,000 buy with WISH-TV in Indianapolis, the CBS affiliate in the capital, one source said. Two sources said the buys across the state start on Tuesday, Sept. 30.
"I'd previously reported, incorrectly, that these were McCain campaign ads. The rate requests I reported then were in fact being made by the independent expenditure, which is being run by consultant Brad Todd.
"Todd didn't respond to an e-mail seeking comment.
"But the meaning of the move is the same: With its own polling presumably confirming public polls showing Obama seriously competitive in Indiana, which hasn't gone Democratic since 1964, the Republicans are being stretched thinner than they would like."
"When John McCain announced Wednesday that he was suspending his campaign to tend to the nation’s economic crisis, a top aide said McCain wanted the presidential candidates and members of Congress to 'lock themselves in a room for the next 100 hours' to achieve 'consensus on something.'
"Yet on Thursday afternoon, McCain swept into Washington, walked to his office with pal Joe Lieberman, said little at a contentious White House meeting, did a few TV interviews, sped off to his home and proclaimed, through a spokesperson, that he was 'optimistic' about bringing House Republicans 'on board.'
"McCain’s high-wire intervention in the financial crisis is his latest showstopper move – and his riskiest. He might succeed, but the candidate’s penchant for the dramatic has also raised anew potentially damaging questions of his age, executive abilities and, most of all, his temperament.
"'He has been pretty erratic – there's no other way to describe what we've seen out of this guy in the last week,' an Obama aide said of McCain's conduct during the financial crisis."
"'I am honored to meet you,' Ms. Palin said.
"'You are even more gorgeous than you are on the (inaudible),' Mr. Zardari said.
"'You are so nice,' Ms. Palin replied. 'Thank you.'
"'Now I know why the whole of America is crazy about you,' Mr. Zardari continued. At which point an aide told the two to shake hands.
"'I’m supposed to pose again,' Ms. Palin said.
"'If he’s insisting,' Mr. Zardari said, 'I might hug.'"